Archive for August, 2008

Is Global Studies a Field? (part 2)

August 29, 2008

David L. Wank
Professor of Sociology and Director of the Graduate Program in Global Studies,
Sophia University (Tokyo)

A strong case could be made for Global Studies (GS) as a distinct field in regard to curriculum and degrees. Examining the websites and other materials of GS programs around the world, reveals several general characteristics of program design and focus. First, GS programs draw heavily on the social sciences, especially the anthropology, history, political science, and sociology, with some representation of economics and business studies. Second, although less represented in GS programs, humanities appears to embody a more critical perspective on GS, as for example, the humanities-centered GS program at Hanyang University, Korea. This underscores the considerable room for fruitful co-existence between humanities and social science scholars in GS programs due to thematic coherence through the aforementioned (see part 1 of this essay) conceptual focus on “globalization” and shared explanatory frameworks.

What does a GS curriculum look like? By viewing GS programs around the world I can discern six types of courses or curriculum building blocks.

1. Thematic courses consider such broad frameworks as transnationalism, world systems, global history, global-local, world literature, and global intellectual history.

2. Topical courses focus on democratization, migration, media, nationalism, gender, NGOs, diaspora, food security, ethnic conflict and so on.

3. Issues courses emphasize problems requiring solutions such as environment, population, disease, disasters, genocide, human rights.

4. Training courses emphasize job-related skills in program evaluation in NGOs, managing multicultural organizations, conflict resolution.

5. Methodology courses present ways to study globalization, mostly focusing on qualitative approaches.

6. Area courses focus on specific countries and regions in globalization. (This constitutes a fruitful overlap with Area Studies curriculums).

A number of program curriculums contain foundational or core courses, often drawn from Block 1 and then a mix of courses from other blocks.

Discussion of curriculum is an opening to reflect on the aforementioned question (see part 1) of whether or not GS represents the ideology of U.S. political and economic interests. Theories of globalization might appear as U.S-centric, human rights as culturally specific notions of personhood, the training for NGO work as undermining state sovereignty, and the emphasis on English-taught curriculums as Anglo-American cultural hegemony. Of course all fields in the Academy are not only structures of knowledge but also of power, but my point is how an awareness and recognition of these criticisms could be institutionalized as a critical perspective in a GS curriculum. Within the aforementioned thematic curriculum block “globalization” could be analyzed as a structure of power and knowledge through such readings as Empire by Antonio Negri and Michael Hardt, and The Shock Doctrine by Naomi Klein. In topics courses, teaching about anti-globalization movements fits the bill. Courses in the issues curriculum block could also highlight alternative solutions to problems that lie in indigenous practices and ideas rather than simply through “intervention” by wealthy nations, international organizations, and NGOs. In regard to practical courses, training in non-violent anti-globalization strategies could be included. Area courses can further understanding of how globalization is variously understood and enacted in different parts of the world, through such concepts as global-local and critical regionalism.

The final issue that I would like to touch on is institutional signification of GS knowledge in the names and types of degrees offered by GS programs. For a multi-disciplinary field this signification becomes problematic at the graduate level because the various tensions surrounding a multi-disciplinary field in the disciplinary-oriented Academy. An M.A. or Ph.D is expected to signify professional expertise in specific knowledge considerably beyond the general intellectual skills signified by an undergraduate B.A.

Insight on this issue can be gained by briefly considering Area Studies, which emerged in the 1950s and has a decades-long history of a multi-disciplinary field in the Academy. It is noteworthy that most Area Studies programs offer the terminal Area Studies M.A. and very few continue up to a named Area Studies Ph.D. Although an Area Studies graduate degree signifies rich understanding of a specific country or region, its holders can be seen as lacking training in any particular curriculum or methodology, hindering acceptance in the academic job market. At this moment, the creation of M.A. and Ph.D degrees in GS shows a similar tendency. There are considerably more GS programs offering terminal Global Studies M.A. degrees then those that also offer a Global Studies Ph.D. The few doctoral programs in GS that do exist seek to combine a focus on globalization as the object of study with grounding in the research strategies of an established disciplinary field. This reflects the aforementioned observation (see part 1) that methodologies to study globalization are still best obtained through disciplinary training.

Two ways of institutionalizing this combination can be seen in extant Global Studies Ph.D degrees. One is through a named degree, such as the Ph.D in Global Studies at Sophia University. We only admit candidates already trained in a social science discipline through prior graduate and undergraduate education. Once admitted, candidates take qualifying exams in both their discipline and in GS, and the dissertation committee is composed of faculty members from the discipline. The other way is to attach a Global Studies certificate to a disciplinary degree, as at University of California-Santa Barbara. Doctoral candidates in Anthropology, English, History, Political Science, Religious Studies, or Sociology can obtain this certificate by taking designated GS courses and including one faculty member on their dissertation committee from outside their discipline. In these two distinct ways Sophia and UC Santa Barbara institutionalize the same principle of focus on globalization as an object of study with grounding in an established disciplinary field.

So is GS a field? The 1980s saw the emergence of “globalization” as an intellectual trend. In the 1990s it became a movement with the emergence of specialized journals, research associations, and undergraduate GS majors. The past ten years has resembled something of a bandwagon as universities have created GS graduate programs, which is the gold standard for representing a distinct body of knowledge in the Academy. The next few years will be crucial to deciding if GS becomes fully institutionalized as a field in the Academy. The Global Studies Consortium will have to a key role to play in this effort.

Note

This is a shortened version of a plenary presentation at the “Global Studies Graduate Education Conference”, held at Sophia University, Tokyo May 16-18 2008. Conference attendees consisted of 25 representatives of current or planned graduate programs in Global Studies from Africa, Asia, Europe, and North America.

References

Klein, Naomi (2008). The Shock Doctrine: The Rise of Diasater Capitalism. Picador.

Negri, Antonio and Michael Hardt (2001). Empire. Harvard University Press.

International Relations and Global Studies: The Past of the Future?

August 29, 2008

Phyllis Pomerantz
Visiting Professor of the Practice of Public Policy
Duke Center for International Development
Duke University

Is Global Studies simply a more modern – some would say sexier – “branding” of the study of International Relations?  Or is it truly different?  This question matters to academic administrators, knowledge management specialists, those concerned about disciplinary rigor, and Ph.D. students and non-tenured faculty who navigate an increasingly complex academic job market.

Should it matter to anyone else?  The answer appears to be a qualified “yes”.   There are four dimensions on which Global Studies differs – or should differ -  from the study of International Relations.

The first dimension, as Niklaus Steiner of UNC-Chapel Hill has pointed out elsewhere, is the unit of analysis or the focus of study.   In International Relations (IR), the focus of study is the nation-state and its relationships.  IR has increasingly dealt with voluntary associations of states (international organizations) and non-state actors, such as private companies, terrorist groups, and non-governmental organizations. Nonetheless, much of the analysis still revolves around the relationships of those actors with the state.

In contrast, the state is only one of multiple units of analysis used in Global Studies.  Perhaps the best characterization of those units is that of informal and formal networks of groups of individuals and organizations linked to each other and to the global economy and polity.  Micro-finance organizations, local NGOs, international private foundations, migrant workers, are just a few examples of the types of actors – in addition to public sector institutions at all levels – that belong to these networks.  This is not as crisp and intellectually satisfying as having a predominant unit of analysis such as the nation-state.  However, it does seem to accurately reflect how interaction takes place in the era of globalization.  Over the longer term, it also may be indicative of the diffusion of power away from the nation-state.

The second dimension on which IR and Global Studies differ is the theoretical basis. IR, born from the interstate conflicts of the early twentieth century, is underpinned by classical and modern political thought.   The phenomenon of globalization in the late twentieth century spawned Global Studies.  While globalization has now taken on social, political, and ethical dimensions, its origin lies in the increasing integration of markets worldwide.  One of the strongest theoretical foundations for global studies finds itself in the economic theory related to global public goods (GPGs).   This foundation is likely to become increasingly explicit as Global Studies programs become more widespread.

While the concept of public goods is not new (Samuelson 1954), the theory behind GPGs is a product of the 1990s, with impetus from the United National Development Program (Kaul 1999, 2003) and economists such as Joseph Stiglitz (1999).  In a nutshell, GPGs are goods that cross national borders and are available in more than one state or region of the world.  Unlike goods that are bought and sold in the private marketplace, consumption or use of GPGs is both non-rivalrous and non-excludable:  consumption or use by one party does not affect consumption or use by another, and no one can be excluded from a GPG’s consumption or use.  Because of these unique characteristics, relying on the private sector to provide these goods – even with worldwide market integration – leads to shortages.  Globalization has helped exacerbate the problem of provision of GPGs since it has also helped spread global “bads” like infectious diseases.

The most widely recognized categories of GPGs are, not surprisingly, subjects frequently found in Global Studies curriculum offerings.  These are:  peace and security, control and prevention of infectious diseases, international financial stability, the global trade and transit systems, environmental protection and dealing with climate change, and knowledge.

At the local and national levels, governments can step in to provide public goods.  When the “bads” and goods are global, there are questions as to who will act and who will pay.  Some GPGs are provided unilaterally by states and by international organizations. Increasingly, these efforts are being joined, or even overtaken, by informal and formal public-private partnerships and networks – a further explanation of why the latter are emerging as the unit of analysis and subject of study in Global Studies.

The GPG foundation also helps explain why Global Studies appears to be more oriented towards specific problems and empirically-based analysis, and less steeped in “world view theories” than IR.   Non-provision and underprovision of GPGs, by definition, are market failures or “problems”, and economics has traditionally relied heavily on empirical analysis.

This does not mean that Global Studies is confined to economics – quite the contrary.  The third dimension on which IR and Global Studies differ is the nature of the discipline. Although some view IR as a sub-discipline within political science, many graduate-level programs in IR are multi-disciplinary. Arguably, political science is usually the dominant discipline, joined by economics, international law and history, and occasionally by anthropology or sociology.   With Global Studies, the number of disciplines has multiplied, reaching into the humanities and even the sciences.  A survey of undergraduate Global Studies programs found related courses, for example, in religion, literature, languages, culture, and environment (Shrivastava, 2008).

More fundamentally, Global Studies programs have consistently characterized themselves as interdisciplinary, with course offerings that blur the lines among traditional disciplines.  Others talk about discipline+, having a firm grounding in one discipline, with Global Studies providing an interdisciplinary overlay.  Global Studies, in its search for new insights, may well evolve towards being transdisciplinary, with global problems analyzed both within and beyond traditional disciplinary boundaries.   This would match well with the “problem focus” already evident in Global Studies.

The fourth and final dimension is geographical reach. The study of IR has been centered in the United States, Canada and Europe.  Several IR programs can be found in Asia (Japan, Korea, China Thailand, Singapore, India), and a few in upper middle income countries, including Brazil, Turkey, South Africa, and a couple of others.  It is not surprising that IR is of interest primarily in those countries who have either played a dominant role or who are aspiring to do so within the current international system.

At the moment, formally designated Global Studies programs are found only in North America, although some related courses are found elsewhere. Some of this reluctance to adopt Global Studies per se may be attributed to ideological/political bias against US dominance within the globalized world and the perceived negative effects of globalization (Shrivastava 2007, 2008).  Global Studies, if it is to be successful, needs to embrace, both in its subject matter and its scholarship, a much larger geographical area.  Because of its frame of analysis and the problems it seeks to analyze, its reach has to extend well beyond that of IR programs and include the poorest parts of the developing world.  Yet, to be unique and value-adding, Global Studies also needs to shy away from duplicating International Development programs.  Although sometimes overlapping, there is a difference between achieving development and providing GPGs.  The key difference is that GPGs are important not just to the poor, but to everyone. Global Studies has to maintain focus on those issues that are truly global.

So, why is it just a qualified “yes” to the importance of the question as to whether Global Studies and IR diverge?  In the end, the current answer may not really matter on the grounds that inevitably the two will merge in substance and perhaps even in name.  After all, each reflects a worldview that does not actually exist at the moment:  one is looking backwards, and the other is looking forward.   Even if it were to turn out that Global Studies is merely a clever attempt at academic “branding”, its emergence and the ensuing debate would still be beneficial if the end result were to further increase the international – or, dare it be said, global – focus of universities worldwide, but especially in the United States.

References

Kaul, Inge, Conceicao, Pedro, Le Goulven, Katell, and Mendoza, Ronald (eds) (2003) Providing Global Public Goods: Managing Globalization. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Redden, Elizabeth (2008) “Growing – and Defining – ‘Global Studies’ “, in Inside Higher Education, http://www.insidehighered.com/news/2008/02/21/global, February 21. Accessed on June 5, 2008.

Samuelson, Paul A. (1954) “The Pure Theory of Public Expenditure”,  Review of Economics and Statistics, 36(4): 387-9.

Stiglitz, Joseph E. (1999) “Knowledge as a Global Public Good” in Inge Kaul, Isabelle Grunberg, and Marc A. Stern (eds), Global Public Goods: International Cooperation in the 21st Century. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 308-326.        .

Shrivastava, Meenal (2008) “Globalizing ‘Global Studies’:  Vehicle for Disciplinary and Regional Bridges?”, paper for the 49th Annual International Studies Association Convention, San Francisco, March 25-30.

Shrivastava, Meenal (2007) “Conceptualizing Global Studies/International Relations:  Antecedents and Future Prospects”, paper for the 48th Annual International Studies Association Convention, Chicago, February 28-March 3.

Globalization and the Virtues of Openness in Higher Education

August 29, 2008

Michael A. Peters
Professor, Educational Policy Studies
University of Illinois at Urbana-Champaign

Openness has emerged as an alternative mode of social production based on the growing and overlapping complexities of open source, open access and open archiving and open publishing. It has become a leading source of innovation in the world global digital economy increasingly adopted by world governments, international agencies and multinationals as well as leading educational institutions. It is clear that the Free Software and ‘open source’ movements constitute a radical non-propertarian alternative to traditional methods of text production and distribution. This alternative non-proprietary method of cultural exchange threatens traditional models and the legal and institutional means used to restrict creativity, innovation and the free exchange of ideas. In terms of a model of communication there has been a gradual shift from content to code in the openness, access, use, reuse and modification reflecting a radical personalization that has made these open characteristics and principles increasingly the basis of the cultural sphere.

So open source and open access has been developed and applied in open publishing, open archiving, and open music constituting the hallmarks of ‘open culture.’ For some theorists, such as law professors Yochai Benkler (Yale) and Larry Lessig (Stanford), this symbolizes a new mode of social production and a form of cultural formation that represents an alternative to capitalist forms of globalization. As a number of economists have remarked this marks the emergence of global science and knowledge as a global public good that rest on an ethic of participation and collaboration based on the co-production and co-design of knowledge goods and services.

As one author expresses the point:

The present decade can be called the ‘open’ decade (open source, open systems, open standards, open archives, open everything) just as the 1990s were called the ‘electronic’ decade (e-text, e-learning, e-commerce, e-governance) (Materu, 2004)

And yet it is more than just a ‘decade’ that follows the electronic innovations of the 1990s; it is a change of philosophy and ethos, a set of interrelated and complex changes that transforms markets and the mode of production, ushering in a new collection of values based on openness, the ethic of participation and peer-to-peer collaboration.

New forms of freedom are occurring in the fundamental shift from an underlying metaphysics of production-a ‘productionist’ metaphysics-to a metaphysics of consumption as use, reuse and modification.  New logics and different patterns of cultural consumption are appearing in the areas of new media where symbolic analysis becomes a habitual and daily activity.  It is now a truism to argue that information is the vital element in a ‘new’ politics and economy that links space, knowledge and capital in networked practices. Freedom is an essential ingredient in this equation if these network practices develop or transform themselves into knowledge cultures.

The specific politics and eco-cybernetic rationalities that accompany an informational global capitalism comprised of new multinational edutainment agglomerations are clearly capable of colonizing the emergent ecology of public info-social networks and preventing the development of knowledge cultures based on non-proprietary modes of knowledge production and exchange.

Complexity as an approach to knowledge and knowledge systems now recognizes both the development of global systems architectures in (tele)communications and information with the development of open knowledge production systems that increasingly rest not only on the establishment of new and better platforms (sometimes called Web 2.0), the semantic web, new search algorithms and processes of digitization. Social processes and policies that foster openness as an overriding value as evidenced in the growth of open source, open access and open education and their convergences that characterize global knowledge communities that transcend borders of the nation-state.  Openness seems also to suggest political transparency and the norms of open inquiry, indeed, even democracy itself as both the basis of the logic of inquiry and the dissemination of its results.

The role of nonmarket and nonproprietary production promotes the emergence of a new information environment and networked economy that both depends upon and encourages great individual freedom, democratic participation, collaboration and interactivity. This ‘promises to enable social production and exchange to play a much larger role, alongside property – and market based production, than they ever have in modern democracies’ (Benkler, 2006: 3). Peer production of information, knowledge, and culture enabled by the emergence of free and open-source software permits the expansion of the social model production beyond software platform into every domain of information and cultural production.

Open knowledge production is based upon an incremental, decentralized (and asyncrhonous), and collaborative development process that transcends the traditional proprietary market model. Commons-based peer production is based on free cooperation, not on the selling of one’s labor in exchange of a wage, nor motivated primarily by profit or for the exchange value of the resulting product; it is managed through new modes of peer governance rather than traditional organizational hierarchies and it is an innovative application of copyright which creates an information commons and transcends the limitations attached to both the private (for-profit) and public (state-based) property forms. (See, for instance, Michel Bauwens’ P2P Foundation work at the P2P Foundation at http://p2pfoundation.net/3._P2P_in_the_Economic_Sphere).

As the Ithaka Report University Publishing in a Digital Age (2008) reveals these broad initiatives in open source, open access, open publishing and open archiving are part of emerging knowledge ecologies that will determine the future of educational resources and scholarly publishing challenging commercial publishing business models and raising broader and deeper questions about content development processes as well as questions of resourcing and sustainability.  The new digital technologies promise changes in creation, production and consumption of scholarly resources including the development of new formats allowing integrated electronic research and publishing environments that will enable real-time dissemination and dynamically-updated content as well as alternative distribution models including institutional repositories, pre-print servers, open access journals, that will broaden access, reduce costs, and enable open sharing of content.

On February 14 2008 Harvard University’s Faculty of Arts and Sciences adopted a policy that requires faculty members to allow the university to make their scholarly articles available free online. The new policy makes Harvard the first university in the United States to mandate open access to its faculty members’ research publications and marks the beginning of a new era that will encourage other US universities to do the same. Open access means ‘putting peer-reviewed scientific and scholarly literature on the internet, making it available free of charge and free of most copyright and licensing restrictions, and removing the barriers to serious research.’ As Lila Guterman reports in The Chronicle of Higher Education News Blog

Stuart M. Shieber, a professor of computer science at Harvard who proposed the new policy, said after the vote in a news release that the decision “should be a very powerful message to the academic community that we want and should have more control over how our work is used and disseminated (http://chronicle.com/news/article/3943/harvard-faculty-adopts-open-access-requirement).

Open access has transformed the world of scholarship and since the early 2000s with major OA statements starting with Budapest in 2002 movement has picked up momentum and developed a clear political ethos. Harvard’s adoption of the new policy follows hard on the heels of open access mandates passed within months of each other – the National Institutes of Health (NIH) and the European Research Council (ERC). As one blogger remarked: ‘open archiving of peer-reviewed journal literature [is] now on an irreversible course of expansion’ not only as US universities follow Harvard’s lead but also as open archiving makes available learning material to anyone including students and faculty from developing and transition countries.  Harvard’s adoption of the open archiving mandate is similar in scope to the step taken by MIT to adopt OpenCourseWare (OCW) in 2001. These initiatives are part of new strategies to establish knowledge cultures that will determine the future of scholarly publishing, the form and content of educational resources, and therefore also the future of innovation and research in the digital global economy.

References:

Benkler, Y. (2006) The Wealth of Networks: How Social Production Transforms Markets and Freedom, New Haven, Yale University Press.

Ithaka Report, the (2008) University Publishing in a Digital Age July 26, 2007 Laura Brown, Rebecca Griffiths, Matthew Rascoff, Preface: Kevin Guthrie at http://www.ithaka.org/strategicservices/Ithaka%20University%20Publishing%20Report.pdf

Materu, P. (2004), Open Source Courseware: A Baseline Study, The World Bank, Washington.

Is Global Studies a Field? (part 1)

August 29, 2008

David L. Wank
Professor of Sociology and Director of the Graduate Program in Global Studies,
Sophia University (Tokyo)

“Is Global Studies a field?” This is a question that my colleagues and I at Sophia University have often encountered since beginning our quest starting in 2000 to create a graduate program in Global Studies (GS).

This question can be understood in various ways. One is whether GS has the elements of an academic field? Fields in the Academy are traditionally defined as disciplines with an object of study and method of inquiry that is institutionalized in departments, curriculums and degrees. GS has to legitimate itself in the context of these expectations, a challenged faced by such earlier multidisciplinary and interdisciplinary fields as Area Studies and Gender Studies.

A second way is whether or not GS is old wine in new bottles? Through the influence of post-modernism, post-colonialism, and other intellectual trends, most fields now recognize global and transnational influences on their objects of study. Even within Area Studies, there are few, if any, specialists today who would consider their country of study only as a unitary and essentialist entity.

A third way is whether or not GS is an ideological spearhead of American neo-liberal imperialism after the Cold War? The concern is that such terms as “globalization” and “transnationalism” mask the drive for United States economic hegemony by representing this drive as depoliticized investment flows, media communication, transnational migration, and other natural and technical processes.

My colleagues and I had to approach this multi-sided question “Is Global Studies a field?” not only on an intellectual plane but also in organizational politics and program design. We had to answer it when lobbying our university for recognition as a program with a claim on scarce institutional resources. Since the establishment of the Graduate School in Global Studies in 2005, we have been addressing it in regard to curriculum design, degree requirements, and student recruitment.

In reflecting on GS as a field it is instructive to begin by juxtaposing it with established fields. The archetype of a tightly bounded disciplinary field is economics. It rests on several key principles -self-interest, supply and demand, and so on- and a method of inquiry, namely statistics. It is very difficult to conceive of GS in this fashion. Consider the issue of establishing foundational principles. While some hold that GS decenters the nation-state in the analysis of global phenomena, others claim that GS recenters the nation-state. This underscores the problem of gaining consensus on principles in GS. As for an orthodox research strategy, the multi-disciplinary character of GS obviously precludes this.

A better fit for GS is those disciplinary fields that cohere around debate over a master concept. Examples are “culture” in Anthropology and “politics” in Political Science. Discussion about these master concepts drives theoretical and methodological development in these fields. In the case of GS the term “globalization” is arguably the master concept, although many scholars are uneasy with the term due to its popularization in the media and politics. However, it is undeniable that since the 1980s significant theoretical development has hinged on debates about “globalization”: What are its processes? When did it start? How can it be empirically measured? Does it weaken the nation-state?

One debate to further reflection on GS as a field is the relation of the concept of globalization to other key concepts. Does “globalization” conceptually cover “transnationalism” and “diaspora?” Can a “world system” exist without “globalization”? Is “localization” an inherent process within “globalization”? Such questions may seem quixotic, but similar debates over conceptual hierarchy have driven theoretical development in other academic fields. In sociology Emile Durkheim’s assertion that society constitutes the individual person was challenged by the argument that individuals constitute society. Ensuing debate helped establish “society” as the field’s master concept and define lines of theory development, such as society-centric structural functionalism, the methodological individualism of social exchange, and attempts to reconcile the society/individual debate through agency theory.

Within GS there are also shared explanatory frameworks of globalization that overarch its sprawl of topics to give it the conceptual coherence of a field. In the Sophia program, we recognize three broad frameworks, which are no doubt familiar to you as well. One is a world systemic framework that sees the world as a single order: some examples are Immanuel Wallerstein’s capitalist world system, John Meyer’s world cultural polity, and some concepts of global governance. Another is transnationalism, which looks at flows and actions that move across two or more national state spaces. Examples are the works of Arjun Appadurai, Saskia Sassen and others. A third framework is global/local, which highlights how lives and processes in locales are constituted and animated by an awareness of being or existing in a global world: the works of Roland Robertson are seminal. Generally speaking, this situation is similar (again) to sociology, where dozens of subfields are disciplined by a common canon, namely the Holy Trinity of Marx, Weber, and Durkheim.

Does GS have a distinct methodology? There clearly are methods that have taken shape to study and explain globalization. Consider, for example Woody Watson’s simultaneous ethnographies to study globalization and localization of one global institution (McDonald’s); David Strang and Patricia Chang’s regression analysis to empirically prove and document the existence of a world culture; Peggy Levitt’s anthropological ethnography to study Dominican migrants moving back and forth between Boston and Dominican Republic; Adam McKeown’s historical study of communication flows in the Chinese diaspora. We teach these methods in our program and offer a course on ethnographies of globalization. However, these innovations are in disciplinary fields, namely anthropology, sociology, and history. This raises the key concern in thinking of GS as an emerging field. If studies of globalization are increasing in existing fields with their own research traditions is there any value in conceiving of GS as a distinct field? If GS does not have a distinct strategy(s) of research inquiry should it be a field in the Academy?

Note

This is a shortened version of a plenary presentation at the “Global Studies Graduate Education Conference”, held at Sophia University, Tokyo May 16-18 2008. Conference attendees consisted of 25 representatives of current or planned graduate programs in Global Studies from Africa, Asia, Europe, and North America.

References

Levitt, Peggy (2001). The Transnational Villagers. University of California Press.

McKeown, Adam (2001). Chinese Migrant Networks and Cultural Change: Peru, Chicago and Hawaii 1900-1936. Columbia University Press.

Strang, David and Patricia M.Y. Chang (1993). “International Organization and the Welfare State: Institutional Effects and National Welfare Spending, 1960-80,” International Organization, 47, 2: 235-262

Watson, James (2006, 2nd ed.) Golden Arches East: McDonald’s in East Asia. Stanford University Press


Follow

Get every new post delivered to your Inbox.

Join 128 other followers